20100514

War & Women's Power: Principles of World Peace



Paulo Coelho’s
Declaration of Principles

1] All men are different. And should do everything possible to continue to be so.

2] Each human being has been granted two courses of action: that of deed and that of contemplation. Both lead to the same place.

3] Each human being has been granted two qualities: power and gift. Power drives man to meet his destiny, his gift obliges him to share with others that which is good in him. A man must know when to use his power, and when to use his gift.

4] Each human being has been granted a virtue: the capacity to choose. For he who does not use this virtue, it becomes a curse – and others will always choose for him.

5] Each human being has the right to two blessings, which are: the blessing to do right, and the blessing to err. In the latter case, there is always a path of learning leading to the right way.

6] Each human being has his own sexual profile, and should exercise it without guilt – provided he does not oblige others to exercise it with him.

7] Each human being has his own Personal Legend to be fulfilled, and this is the reason he is in the world. The Personal Legend is manifest in his enthusiasm for what he does.
Single paragraph – the Personal Legend may be abandoned for a certain time, provided one does not forget it and returns as soon as possible.

8] Each man has a feminine side, and each woman has a masculine side. It is necessary to use discipline with intuition, and to use intuition objectively.

9] Each human being must know two languages: the language of society and the language of the omens. The first serves for communication with others. The second serves to interpret messages from God.

10] Each human being has the right to seek out joy, joy being understood as something which makes one content – not necessarily that which makes others content.

11] Each human being must keep alight within him the sacred flame of madness. And must behave like a normal person.

12] The only faults considered grave are the following: not respecting the rights of one’s neighbor, letting oneself be paralyzed by fear, feeling guilty, thinking one does not deserve the good and bad which occurs in life, and being a coward.
Paragraph 1 – we shall love our adversaries, but not make alliances with them. They are placed in our way to test our sword, and deserve the respect of our fight.
Paragraph 2 – we shall choose our adversaries, not the other way around.

12A] We hereby declare the end to the wall dividing the sacred from the profane: from now on, all is sacred.

14] Everything which is done in the present, affects the future by consequence, and the past by redemption.

15] Dispensations to the contrary are herewith revoked.


Imagine Peace Tower in Iceland Beams Yoko Ono's Wishes into Outer Space

From a Smoldering Edge of Your "SuperMax" Society:
Nature Awakens War-Mad "Machine Monkeys" Too Late
Once Pristine Planet Overrun by Industrial Extermination


Bravo Zulu Dandelion Unit
ChronoCorps Orbital SynchLab OMEGA

Lessons from the Last Half Century
SOS from the midst of the mind-control Matrix commonly called "America."

"America", identified over the past 200 years by "Nativist" European settlers and imperial European rulers as a "conquered area" become a sprawling Empire of its own. The former "United Colonies" now ruled by a militarized regime of secret agencies and the largest complex of warring technologies and institutions to ever arise on Earth.

One can argue that the mythical "Matrix" is an actual industrialization of extruded Roman ideals and "pseudoethics" which has now degenerated into psychopathic corruption, in which nearly clueless citizens are indoctrinated into paying for vast weapons technologies and secret surveillance systems morphed into mind-control video killprograms with "Predator" and "Hellfire" technology blasting tribal village people half a world away.

In America, the mediascape has been honed into a sophisticated hypno-hype hate machinery glossed over with air-brushed advertising, masquerading as "entertainment." The killprogramming has become so graphically obnoxious and intentionally obscene that we now chuckle along to "antiheroes" smashing heads with baseball bats, in completely simulated histories and pseudorealities, while we allow battalions to actually drop hundreds of tons of bombs on underdeveloped cultures we barely understand.

Millions of innocent people have been blown to bits, maimed, driven mad by this corrupted old evil machinery. While the "Dick Army" and their Kowboy Klique chuckle, rolling in their vast hidden hordes of WTC gold. They f*cked the whole world, not a little, but the whole shebang this time. And the headless spectacle of the corporate machinery continues to spew out its mindless control programs and diversions, refusing to address these greatest crimes against humanity, the oily realization of ancient Roman power-madness and Reaganite fascism--

The "Bushwacking" of a once proud culture, now having been reduced to shame and denial by these criminals through the historic arc of: the JFK, RFK and MLK assassinations, which have yet to be fully resolved, the expansion of the NSA and CIA under Bush, the theft of the 2000 election in Florida by the Bushes, the engineering of the 9-11 attacks on NYC, yet to be addressed on a basic scientific level, the subsequent shredding of the US Constitution, the Geneva Conventions and International Criminal treaties, the illegal invasion and destruction of Iraq and subsequent criminal profiteering and embezzlement of billions which have yet to be accounted for, the death of 100's of thousands of innocent people, false imprisonment and torture for a contrived "Terror war"-- the list of crimes is almost beyond the comprehension of the human mind, let alone the broken hearts of widows and orphans.

Lesson Plan for the Next Millennium

It's time for those who have freed themselves from the Matrix videogame hyper-scam, infotainment mind-control spectacle and fascist-corporatist indoctrination to set down our own ultimatums. It is likely the ONLY way that Obama and Clinton, the ICC and Amnesty will ever be able to enact any significant "change" within the control System. This is what we have learned from our recent truthtelling upwellings: we ARE the change we wish to make.

Therefore, it is possible the next evolution of this collective internet hyperintelligence is to form a NEW PARTY of wide diversity and representation. A proposal for MoveOn.org and CodePink to initiate the new "third rail" "Pop-Over Party (POP)." In which we will unseat the current corrupted "conspiracy of continuity" and war-profiteering machinery.

Rather than being attacked as "unpatriotic" and shamed into silence, we will use our color, our eccentricity and diversity, our creativity and music for a "hyperpatriotic" solution: truthtelling common people rise up to REPLACE the life-choking criminal conspiracy currently ruling our daily official "reality," OVERGROW the Strangelovian dystopia we appear to be trapped in. We know the fertile world is in our hands, and the spirit of the Earth is on our side!


Bravo Zulu Dandelion Unit
ChronoCorps Orbital SynchLab OMEGA



War & Women’s Power

The idea that “if mothers ran the world there would be no war” has been around for quite a while. Now there’s scientific research that seems to agree with that thesis.

Who among us hasn’t asked why war is such a persistent feature of human life? The most common answer is that people make war because society has taught them to make war. In their controversial book, Sex and War: How Biology Explains Warfare and Terrorism and Offers a Path to a Safer World, obstetrician and biologist Malcolm Potts and journalist Thomas Hayden claim instead that warring aggression is built into our species. There are measures we can take, however, to increase the likelihood of peace breaking out instead of war, the authors say, and their prescriptions focus mostly on empowering women.

I talked with Malcolm Potts in his office at the University of California, Berkeley, where he is the Bixby Professor in the School of Public Health.

What experiences led you to explore connections between sex and war?

I grew up in England during the Second World War in an area with several bomber bases. There were all these wonderfully brave young men. We used to see them in church. Their job was to drop bombs on Germany, bombs that would kill women and children. And of course many of them died in the effort. From a young age, then, I asked, “Why do people do this sort of thing?”

When I was older and working as a physician in war-torn areas, I saw the consequences of war firsthand and started asking the question in a more insistent way. As an obstetrician and then a biologist, I also took a strong interest in the evolution of human sexuality, and wrote a book called Ever Since Adam and Eve, which pushed my thoughts forward. They began to link up with the lingering question of why, out of the thousands of mammalian species, only humans and a few others exhibit the behavior known as team aggression, which in its most full-blown form we call “war.”

But wars are carried out by states, not small teams.

War builds on innumerable small episodes of team aggression. Wars are fought by small teams: the crew, the squad, the ten people in the trench with you. The state manipulates and organizes that, but at the level of the individual aggressor it’s still the same basic behavior.

Isn’t violence common in many species?

A lot of animals are violent for all of the obvious competitive reasons, but team aggression, which is a very costly behavior, occurs when teams of adults, almost always males, attack and kill individuals of the same species. It depends on being an intelligent social animal that has a territory and resources to guard and enlarge. For millions of years, it was an adaptive behavior: it gave a man more resources. A man with more resources would attract more sexual partners and therefore have more offspring and pass on more genes, which is what evolution is all about. Evolution is not good or bad; it’s just what works. It gives us some marvelous things, like the human eye, and some ugly things, like the fact that teams of men in the prime of life band together to murder others.

Why in teams?

Originally, the men would have been related to each other, but in the modern world a kinship can be formed through boot camp and other rituals of bonding. In the Gaza Strip, some terrorists were all members of the same football team, so they felt as if they were a “band of brothers,” as Shakespeare put it. Men in the foxholes told William Manchester that they fought not for flag or country, but for one another.

Women don’t do this?

Women will fight very bravely if they or their children are threatened, but we could not find a single example in the whole of human history where women have banded together spontaneously and systematically and deliberately gone out to kill other human beings.

Do women play a part in your theory of the sources of war-making?

Yes. Historically, women would be drawn to men with more resources. We still see this today, most starkly in situations such as poor women who went to Somalia to marry pirates, who were newly and publicly wealthy.

Does your book, then, present a pessimistic view of human beings?

It is both pessimistic and optimistic. Saying we have an innate predisposition to kill our neighbors is a somber hypothesis. But we’re doing it less frequently than we used to, which means we look at the world in a very different way now. Most people will say that the twentieth century was the most violent in human history, but in fact it was probably the most peaceful. If we look at deaths by team aggression against total population size, we’re getting much less violent. Unfortunately we also have many more low-cost technologies, like improvised explosive devices, and many more powerful technologies, i.e., weapons of mass destruction, for killing each other. So there is urgency.

Human beings present a huge contrast. We can be extraordinarily self-sacrificing, loving, and empathetic, but at the same time so violent. It seems we’ve had to evolve a sort of switch we flip to make it possible to dehumanize other people. We inherit predispositions built deep into our nature, such as a predisposition to learn language. I shouldn’t be surprised, then, that our brain has frameworks of aggression buried deep within it.

Are you saying that we have to make war? We can’t help ourselves?

No. We don’t have to do it, but I think we will more effectively deal with our violent nature if we understand it as a universal attribute from the evolutionary history of our species rather than an aberration.

So, just because a predisposition developed over a vastly long period of time because it was adaptive doesn’t mean it is permanently adaptive?

Indeed. As conditions change, it may become less adaptive, and that is certainly what I believe about war. Team aggression at the level of killing has no purpose now, but it emerges nonetheless. The evolution of our bodies is very slow, so something that took tens of thousands of years to evolve is still there to be dealt with, even after it has no seeming purpose. It’s helpful and enlightening to look at where we’ve come from in evolution. Then we can better define the things we don’t like, and ask whether we can do anything about them. We can only do that if we’re honest about where they’re really coming from. For example, if we persist in the naïve idea that all violence is culturally determined and we obscure the differences between men and women, that’s not going to get us anywhere.

So, what is going to get us somewhere?

Well, I know it sounds simplistic, but nonetheless it’s important for men to have healthy outlets for this behavioral predisposition. It must be respected. Team sports have all the elements of bonding and aggression that are the key elements in war. Also, doing activities together like climbing a mountain can draw on the same impulses. The mountain is the enemy. It satisfies some of the same urges. Yes, there are dangers, but they are more controllable than the dangers of real war, where a lot of people get killed.

What about the role of women?

It must be said, without being vulgar, that human sexual behavior is very asymmetrical. A woman has only a few pregnancies in a lifetime, whereas, all things being equal, a man could have hundreds of children in a lifetime. Gestation and child-rearing give women an inherent orientation to long-range decisions. Also, men are evolved to take risks and be territorial. Women lived in the territory carved out by men. They benefited more from in-group cooperation and social stability than out-group hostility. As a result, they tend to take a longer view and to seek consensus. As we said in the book, “If evolution provides the poison root of warfare, it has also supplied an important antidote. We overlook women’s powerful evolutionary heritage at our collective peril.”

What is that antidote?

For one, empower women with education and more opportunities and thereby also increase the number of women leaders, the number of women in parliaments and legislatures.

How do reproductive rights play a role?

We must have energetic efforts to support reproductive autonomy. When women can control their own fertility, family size begins to fall. As family size falls, education and development increase, as does the advancement of women’s role in society. Throughout the world there is plenty of demand for family planning on the part of women, but the evolved male drive to control female reproduction often stands in the way. Male theologians, male legislators, and conservative male doctors create and maintain the barriers to family planning. All in all, then, energetic efforts at empowerment of women will mitigate the effects of the warring nature we have inherited. Peace breaks out when women have more control over their bodies and more influence in their societies.



Sharel Cassity's "Powwow" Jazz Sax at Smithsonian



20100212

Haiti View from the Mountain: Rebuild & Renew



Wild Horses Loose in Heaven

Humans and horses ride the sky
blood-red Sun shines here below
now glow countless genii
spirits from fiery rubble flow

Earth angels set free in the seas
treasures in pleasures swirling flow
rhythms and winds sway our trees
bones and babies like miracles grow

Calling all Saints and Faeries too
rising a wailing as storms to brew
ancient soul calling down Heaven
to witch every child is now woven

We cry oceans of grieving
so swim away our suffering kin
on moontides and memories leaving
their stars rise now again and again

Watch out world of wonderment
wild horses are loose inside you
dance thee new Earth rises
as magic sparkles in your eyes






FACTBOX-
One month after Haiti quake, rain adds misery

11 Feb 2010 22:15:52 GMT
Source: Reuters

Feb 11 (Reuters) - Rain soaked quake survivors in the tent camps of the Haitian capital on Thursday, a warning of fresh misery for the 1 million homeless living in the street one month after the devastating earthquake.

Here are some facts about the current situation in the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere.

THE BIG PICTURE

* 212,000 people dead, the government reports.

* 3 million of 9 million population affected, 1 million now living in streets in 492 makeshift shelter camps.

* 250,000 houses destroyed

FOOD

* U.N. World Food Program says it is providing food rations to an estimated 2 million Haitians, nearly a quarter of the population, through 16 distribution sites. Nearly 1.3 million have received a two-week ration of rice in past nine days.

* Price of imported rice is 25 percent higher and wheat flour over 65 percent higher than before the quake, causing difficulty for people considered "food secure," WFP says.

* Supplementary food program launched for 53,000 children under 5 and for 16,000 pregnant women and nursing mothers.

* Florida-based Food for the Poor said it had acquired and delivered more than 7,100 tons of food, medical supplies, pharmaceuticals, building materials and other goods, and provided Haitians with more than 20 million meals of rice, beans, canned goods and water.

HEALTH AND WELFARE

* The Red Cross/Red Crescent, as of Feb. 5, had distributed 15 million litres (4 million gallons) of drinking water, provided medical treatment for 13,000 people, provided cooking sets, blankets, jerry cans, mosquito nets and hygiene kits to 37,054 families (185,270 people), tarps and rope to 17,000 households, tents to 925 households.

* Doctors Without Borders, in its most recent report, had 19 locations set up, treated 12,924 patients, performed 1,427 surgeries, had 353 foreign staff and 1,280 Haitian staff at work on the ground.

U.S. MILITARY

* More than 13,000 U.S. military personnel assigned to Haiti relief, along with 17 ships, 120 aircraft

* Has delivered 2.4 million bottles of water, 2.4 million rations, 9.1 million pounds of bulk food, 120,700 pounds of medical supplies as of Feb. 9.

JOBS

* Haitian government has declared job creation one of its most important goals. Before the quake, officials said two-thirds of Haitians did not have formal jobs.

* U.N. Development Program (UNDP) injecting $175,000 a day into economy with cash-for-work program clearing streets of rubble and garbage, employing 34,885 workers as of Feb. 6.

* U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) employing 6,000 people in cash-for-work programs, hopes to reach 20,000 soon.

CLEANUP CHALLENGE

* Edmond Mulet, acting head of the U.N. mission in Haiti, said 63 million tons of rubble need to be removed.

* "If you lined up the dump trucks, our shelter expert feels that there would be enough rubble to go from Port-au-Prince to Moscow. That's a lot of rubble," said Tim Callaghan of USAID. (SOURCES: Haitian government, WFP, Red Cross, Doctors Without Borders, UNDP, USAID, U.S. military) (Reporting by Jim Loney, Jane Sutton; Editing by Pascal Fletcher)




To Heal Haiti, Look to History, Not Nature

By MARK DANNER

HAITI is everybody’s cherished tragedy. Long before the great earthquake struck the country like a vengeful god, the outside world, and Americans especially, described, defined, marked Haiti most of all by its suffering. Epithets of misery clatter after its name like a ball and chain: Poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. One of the poorest on earth. For decades Haiti’s formidable immiseration has made it among outsiders an object of fascination, wonder and awe. Sometimes the pity that is attached to the land — and we see this increasingly in the news coverage this past week — attains a tone almost sacred, as if Haiti has taken its place as a kind of sacrificial victim among nations, nailed in its bloody suffering to the cross of unending destitution.

And yet there is nothing mystical in Haiti’s pain, no inescapable curse that haunts the land. From independence and before, Haiti’s harms have been caused by men, not demons. Act of nature that it was, the earthquake last week was able to kill so many because of the corruption and weakness of the Haitian state, a state built for predation and plunder. Recovery can come only with vital, even heroic, outside help; but such help, no matter how inspiring the generosity it embodies, will do little to restore Haiti unless it addresses, as countless prior interventions built on transports of sympathy have not, the man-made causes that lie beneath the Haitian malady.

In 1804 the free Republic of Haiti was declared in almost unimaginable triumph: hard to exaggerate the glory of that birth. Hundreds of thousands of enslaved Africans had labored to make Saint-Domingue, as Haiti was then known, the richest colony on earth, a vastly productive slave-powered factory producing tons upon tons of sugar cane, the 18th-century’s great cash crop. For pre-Revolutionary France, Haiti was an inexhaustible cash cow, floating much of its economy. Generation after generation, the second sons of the great French families took ship for Saint-Domingue to preside over the sugar plantations, enjoy the favors of enslaved African women and make their fortunes.

Even by the standards of the day, conditions in Saint-Domingue’s cane fields were grisly and brutal; slaves died young, and in droves; they had few children. As exports of sugar and coffee boomed, imports of fresh Africans boomed with them. So by the time the slaves launched their great revolt in 1791, most of those half-million blacks had been born in Africa, spoke African languages, worshipped African gods.

In an immensely complex decade-long conflict, these African slave-soldiers, commanded by legendary leaders like Toussaint Louverture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, defeated three Western armies, including the unstoppable superpower of the day, Napoleonic France. In an increasingly savage war — “Burn houses! Cut off heads!” was the slogan of Dessalines — the slaves murdered their white masters, or drove them from the land.

On Jan. 1, 1804, when Dessalines created the Haitian flag by tearing the white middle from the French tricolor, he achieved what even Spartacus could not: he had led to triumph the only successful slave revolt in history. Haiti became the world’s first independent black republic and the second independent nation in the Western Hemisphere.

Alas, the first such republic, the United States, despite its revolutionary creed that “all men are created equal,” looked upon these self-freed men with shock, contempt and fear. Indeed, to all the great Western trading powers of the day — much of whose wealth was built on the labor of enslaved Africans — Haiti stood as a frightful example of freedom carried too far. American slaveholders desperately feared that Haiti’s fires of revolt would overleap those few hundred miles of sea and inflame their own human chattel.

For this reason, the United States refused for nearly six decades even to recognize Haiti. (Abraham Lincoln finally did so in 1862.) Along with the great colonial powers, America instead rewarded Haiti’s triumphant slaves with a suffocating trade embargo — and a demand that in exchange for peace the fledgling country pay enormous reparations to its former colonial overseer. Having won their freedom by force of arms, Haiti’s former slaves would be made to purchase it with treasure.

The new nation, its fields burned, its plantation manors pillaged, its towns devastated by apocalyptic war, was crushed by the burden of these astronomical reparations, payments that, in one form or another, strangled its economy for more than a century. It was in this dark aftermath of war, in the shadow of isolation and contempt, that Haiti’s peculiar political system took shape, mirroring in distorted form, like a wax model placed too close to the fire, the slave society of colonial times.

At its apex, the white colonists were supplanted by a new ruling class, made up largely of black and mulatto officers. Though these groups soon became bitter political rivals, they were as one in their determination to maintain in independent Haiti the cardinal principle of governance inherited from Saint-Domingue: the brutal predatory extraction of the country’s wealth by a chosen powerful few.

The whites on their plantations had done this directly, exploiting the land they owned with the forced labor of their slaves. But the slaves had become soldiers in a victorious revolution, and those who survived demanded as their reward a part of the rich land on which they had labored and suffered. Soon after independence most of the great plantations were broken up, given over to the former slaves, establishing Haiti as a nation of small landowners, one whose isolated countryside remained, in language, religion and culture, largely African.

Unable to replace the whites in their plantation manors, Haiti’s new elite moved from owning the land to fighting to control the one institution that could tax its products: the government. While the freed slaves worked their small fields, the powerful drew off the fruits of their labor through taxes. In this disfigured form the colonial philosophy endured: ruling had to do not with building or developing the country but with extracting its wealth. “Pluck the chicken,” proclaimed Dessalines — now Emperor Jacques I — “but don’t make it scream.”

In 1806, two years after independence, the emperor was bayoneted by a mostly mulatto cabal of officers. Haitian history became the immensely complex tale of factional struggles to control the state, with factions often defined by an intricate politics of skin color. There was no method of succession ultimately recognized as legitimate, no tradition of loyal opposition. Politics was murderous, operatic, improvisational. Instability alternated with autocracy. The state was battled over and won; Haiti’s wealth, once seized, purchased allegiance — but only for a time. Fragility of rule and uncertainty of tenure multiplied the imperative to plunder. Unseated rulers were sometimes killed, more often exiled, but always their wealth — that part of it not sent out of the country — was pillaged in its turn.

In 1915 the whites returned: the United States Marines disembarked to enforce continued repayment of the original debt and to put an end to an especially violent struggle for power that, in the shadow of World War I and German machinations in the Caribbean, suddenly seemed to threaten American interests. During their nearly two decades of rule, the Americans built roads and bridges, centralized the Haitian state — setting the stage for the vast conurbation of greater Port-au-Prince that we see today in all its devastation — and sent Haitians abroad to be educated as agronomists and doctors in the hope of building a more stable middle class.

Still, by the time they finally left, little in the original system had fundamentally changed. Haitian nationalism, piqued by the reappearance of white masters who had forced Haitians to work in road gangs, produced the noiriste movement that finally brought to power in 1957 François Duvalier, the most brilliant and bloody of Haiti’s dictators, who murdered tens of thousands while playing adroitly on cold-war America’s fear of communism to win American acceptance.

Duvalier’s epoch, which ended with the overthrow of his son Jean-Claude in 1986, ushered in Haiti’s latest era of instability, which has seen, in barely a quarter-century, several coups and revolutions, a handful of elections (aborted, rigged and, occasionally, fair), a second American occupation (whose accomplishments were even more ephemeral than the first) and, all told, a dozen Haitian rulers. Less and less money now comes from the land, for Haiti’s topsoil has grown enfeebled from overproduction and lack of investment. Aid from foreigners, nations or private organizations, has largely supplanted it: under the Duvaliers Haiti became the great petri dish of foreign aid. A handful of projects have done lasting good; many have been self-serving and even counterproductive. All have helped make it possible, by lifting basic burdens of governance from Haiti’s powerful, for the predatory state to endure.

The struggle for power has not ended. Nor has Haiti’s historic proclivity for drama and disaster. Undertaken in their wake, the world’s interventions — military and civilian, and accompanied as often as not by a grand missionary determination to “rebuild Haiti” — have had as their single unitary principle their failure to alter what is most basic in the country, the reality of a corrupt state and the role, inadvertent or not, of outsiders in collaborating with it.

The sound of Haiti’s suffering is deafening now but behind it one can hear already a familiar music begin to play. Haiti must be made new. This kind of suffering so close to American shores cannot be countenanced. The other evening I watched a television correspondent shake his head over what he movingly described as a “stupid death” — a death that, but for the right medical care, could have been prevented. “It doesn’t have to happen,” he told viewers. “People died today who did not need to die.” He did not say what any Haitian could have told him: that the day before, and the day before that, Haiti had seen hundreds of such “stupid deaths,” and, over the centuries, thousands more. What has changed, once again, and only for a time, is the light shone on them, and the volume of the voices demanding that a “new Haiti” must now be built so they never happen again.

Whether they can read or not, Haiti’s people walk in history, and live in politics. They are independent, proud, fiercely aware of their own singularity. What distinguishes them is a tradition of heroism and a conviction that they are and will remain something distinct, apart — something you can hear in the Creole spoken in the countryside, or the voodoo practiced there, traces of the Africa that the first generation of revolutionaries brought with them on the middle passage.

Haitians have grown up in a certain kind of struggle for individuality and for power, and the country has proved itself able to absorb the ardent attentions of outsiders who, as often as not, remain blissfully unaware of their own contributions to what Haiti is. Like the ruined bridges strewn across the countryside — one of the few traces of the Marines and their occupation nearly a century ago — these attentions tend to begin in evangelical zeal and to leave little lasting behind.

What might, then? America could start by throwing open its markets to Haitian agricultural produce and manufactured goods, broadening and making permanent the provisions of a promising trade bill negotiated in 2008. Such a step would not be glamorous; it would not “remake Haiti.” But it would require a lasting commitment by American farmers and manufacturers and, as the country heals, it would actually bring permanent jobs, investment and income to Haiti.

Second, the United States and other donors could make a formal undertaking to ensure that the vast amounts that will soon pour into the country for reconstruction go not to foreigners but to Haitians — and not only to Haitian contractors and builders but to Haitian workers, at reasonable wages. This would put real money in the hands of many Haitians, not just a few, and begin to shift power away from both the rapacious government and the well-meaning and too often ineffectual charities that seek to circumvent it. The world’s greatest gift would be to make it possible, and necessary, for Haitians — all Haitians — to rebuild Haiti.

Putting money in people’s hands will not make Haiti’s predatory state disappear. But in time, with rising incomes and a concomitant decentralization of power, it might evolve. In coming days much grander ambitions are sure to be declared, just as more scenes of disaster and disorder will transfix us, more stunning and colorful images of irresistible calamity. We will see if the present catastrophe, on a scale that dwarfs all that have come before, can do anything truly to alter the reality of Haiti.


Mark Danner is the author, most recently, of “Stripping Bare the Body: Politics, Violence, War,” which chronicles political conflict in Haiti, the Balkans, Iraq and the United States.




http://bit.ly/Em1d2 "Happy MLK Day" but remember we are still AT WAR w/ our Souls


"The disenchanted, the disadvantaged and disinherited seem, at times of deep crisis, to summon up some sort of genius that enables them to percieve and capture the appropriate weapons to carve out their destiny. Such was the peaceable weapon of nonviolent direct action."
-- Dr. Martin Luther King



From The Times January 30, 2010

A huge chance for Haiti to be great again

"I do not want to be president. But I know the people are strong and I want to help them to rebuild." --Wyclef Jean

The morning after the earthquake in Haiti, I arrived in my mother country and I walked into Armageddon. I want to tell you that story, but that is not the story I want to tell you first. The earthquake is Haiti’s present, and I want to talk about Haiti’s past, because in that past lies the hope for my native island’s future.

That may surprise some of you. When you think of the history of Haiti, it is probably the recent one, of natural and political disaster. What hope, you may think, lies there? If you do not know much about Haiti, you may already think you have heard enough. “Haiti, the poorest nation in the western hemisphere”, as is repeated so often. That is only part of the picture. We are not doomed. Haiti may be the poorest nation in the West, but it is the richest in culture.

I know that many people I meet, in Europe and America, do not even have a geographical understanding of Haiti — they picture it only as Port au Prince, and they are not aware that the Dominican Republic and Haiti is the same island. They do not realise how safe, or how wonderful the rest of the country is outside the capital. They have no idea there is a coastline that has some of the most beautiful beachfront properties in the world, that amazes the visitors I bring — and that not a single one of them, by the way, has failed to have a great time. Every year luxury cruises stop at a thriving Haitian port called Labadee. It is only years later that a lot of those tourists find out, actually, they were in Haiti.

That is even before I begin on Haiti’s economic and architectural heritage. Have you heard of the Haiti that was so prosperous they called it Pearl Island? Of a country that was an export powerhouse, and not just in colonial times? It wasn’t so long ago that the baseballs in America were manufactured in Haiti. Did you know that in 1804 the people of Haiti defeated Napoleon, and became the first black republic and the second republic in the western hemisphere? And that, uniquely, allowed West African culture to flourish in the Caribbean, untampered with? That it is home of the Citadel, the castle on top of the island, that is the eighth wonder of the world?

So this is why I get angry when people write off Haiti. History does not lie. Has Haiti ever thrived before? Absolutely — through industry, trade and tourism. The question is now: how to get it back like that. Haiti was great, and could be, if we can only get the post-earthquake recovery reconstruction right, great again. This is an enormous chance for Haiti, and it will take the right government, and international community of business leaders. But the people of Haiti are strong. That is why they are worth investing in. We need an imaginative, ambitious Marshall Plan for Haiti that does not cave in to despair, but builds on its past glory. We Haitians have strong memories.

My parents left our dirt village when I was only one, escaping a dictatorship, and in search of a better life. They did not manage to get me to their new American home until I was 10. I cannot feel guilt that I got out. But I have made sure that I have always turned around and looked back at the place I came from.

I was talking to a friend in Haiti on the phone when the earthquake struck. “I can feel some shaking,” she said. Then the line went dead. The next thing I got was a text from her to say: “I’m running down the hill to get my kids,” then nothing.

When I made it in to Haiti, hours later, my first image was of dead bodies, strewn across the entire city. You could hear survivors still screaming from inside crumbled buildings. People were wandering the streets with bones hanging out, broken necks, mothers running with bleeding children in their arms, begging for help.

I got inside the belly of the beast: doing what I could, picking up the bodies and putting tags on them for a decent burial. I found out that I had lost at least 15 relatives. There isn’t anyone who has not lost someone. It was not until I got back to New York that I could let the tears flow. I did not want to show those people any sign that I wouldn’t be there for them.

Do I want to be President of Haiti? No. But I have to be part of rebuilding a 21st-century Haiti by any means necessary. The first step in a new Marshall Plan for Haiti is to evacuate Port au Prince — the capital has always been where the problems were — and start to plan and rebuild our urban landscape from scratch.

We do not want refugee camps. Instead, we should locate seven sites near water supplies, which will be transformed into model, well-planned cities. These seven cities would initially be laid out with temporary tents for the evacuees, but on the promise that these are converted, over time, into bricks and mortar. Unlike refugee camps, this gives people the stability they need to become independent, and is a programme that worked in New Orleans after the floods. The next step is to cultivate Haiti as a manufacturing base for America, becoming a cost-effective alternative to China, as we once were.

I am pushing hard on this plan – I am due to present it to the Black Caucus of the United States Congress. It is my vision of Haiti’s future. I look forward to seeing you there.


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"I knew who I was. And I was of value. So when Florida said to me, 'You are not who you think you are,' I said, 'Oh yes I am. I AM who I think I am. I am not who YOU think I am.'"
--Sidney Poitier



20100201

Taylor Swift becomes Youngest Grammy Album Winner!



Things You Should Know About Taylor <>

Hi :-)

I'm 20.

I'm the girl who is best friends with a guitar and writes songs about everything and everyone that happens to me. Names included. ;-)

Class of 2008.

My Twitter is Taylorswift13.

In my spare time, I like to conduct random baking experiments in my kitchen and write letters to people.

I really love people who like my music. They're number 1 on my favorite things list.

I'm not a big deal. At all.

I love people who are nice to me, I've never been one to say things like "All you people think you know me, well you don't".

Because I'm not that complicated. My complications come out in my songs. All you need to do to be my friend is like me.

My middle name is Alison.

And I'm extremely tall. Like, I'm that really tall person that is blocking your view at a concert. On behalf of all of us, we're sorry.

My ideal outfit is a sun dress and cowboy boots.

I love surprises and hardwood floors.

I like people who are excitable. I think it's endearing when people cry when they're happy. I'm pretty excitable too.

I've never been the kind of girl who needs a boyfriend. Plus, guys don't ask me out because they know I'll write songs about them.

In life and love, you learn that there comes a time to let go and move on. It's a lesson I learned recently.

I wear too many bracelets and I can't concentrate on the conversation if the TV's on.

I grew up on a Christmas tree farm. Seriously.

I'm fascinated by black and white pictures, I have them hung up everywhere.

I like people who can be sarcastic and laugh about tense situations.

I never assume someone's not being honest with me.

I like to read up on weird medical problems, so if one of my friends ever complains of a headache or stomach ache, I'm probably going to spout off 12 different things that could be wrong with them. Because I'm way paranoid.

I think Keri Russell and Ellen DeGeneres are the coolest celebrities ever.

I don't like making decisions when I don't have to. So right now my toenails are painted 5 different colors.

I will never straighten my hair to impress a guy ever again.

There's never going to be a time when I'm annoyed by compliments about my music.

I need everything to be organized. All the time.

I think little kids are awesome.

I'm a thinker and an over-analyzer. I'm not jaded.

I'm a fan of fans. You are absolutely wonderful to me. I've got your back, just like you've had mine. To anyone who has gone out and bought my CD, or come to a show, or even turned my song up when it came on the radio, all I can say is thank you.

Oh yeah.. My name's Taylor.




A Bowl of Golden Glow

She's a Jethro bowl of Elvis
floating in vanilla Silk
with white chocolate crumbles
and sprinkles of gold leaf

She's a delicious genius
it can't be denied she's gorgeous
magical magnetic and fearless
talented as a divine gift

Daring you NOT to fall in Love
pushing back the boytoys
to wage war with conventionality
an American dream and an angel

Her golden curls and blue eyes
shine with wild Elvis fires
in our troubled night glowing
I hereby crown her Queen of Muses!

For the delightful genius
T. Swift 13, at the center of my Heart

yer bwoy BzB always




Taylor Swift, Beyonce make Grammy history

Dean Goodman
LOS ANGELES
Mon Feb 1, 2010 12:56am EST


LOS ANGELES (Reuters) - Country-pop starlet Taylor Swift, who rocketed to stardom with ballads of teen love that she wrote on her bedroom floor, Sunday became the youngest artist to win the coveted Grammy for album of the year.

Swift, who turned 20 in December, took home four awards after being nominated eight times. She had never previously won any Grammys. Her second album, "Fearless," was the most popular release in the United States last year. U.S. sales to date stand at 5.4 million copies.

The fresh-faced singer, known for her blonde curly mane, had been expected to dominate the music industry's top awards. But she was overshadowed by R&B singer Beyonce, who won six awards including song of the year -- the most won by a female artist at a single event.

Both were eclipsed for record of the year by Tennessee rock band Kings of Leon, who were the surprise honorees for their pop-radio hit "Use Somebody."

In winning album of the year, Swift broke a record held since 1996 by Alanis Morissette, who was 21 when she won for "Jagged Little Pill," an album with decidedly more adult content.

Swift also was the first solo female country winner ever of the award, and the first female pop winner since Celine Dion won in 1997 for "Falling Into You."

"I just hope that you know how much this means to me ... that we get to take this back to Nashville," said Swift.

She also won the Grammy for best country album, and a pair of awards for her song "White Horse," female country vocal performance and best country song.

Backstage, Swift told reporters that despite her crossover success in the pop field, she still considered country music her first love.

"Country music is absolutely going to be my home because of the stories that are told within country music," she said.

She was planning to catch a flight straight after the event to Australia where she is set to play a sold-out arena tour. Her album has been certified gold or platinum in 16 international markets, her spokeswoman said.

'AMAZING NIGHT' FOR BEYONCE

Beyonce won song of the year -- a songwriters' award for "Single Ladies (Put a Ring On It)." The anthemic hit also yielded Grammys for R&B song and female vocal performance, and Beyonce was additionally honored for contemporary R&B album with "I Am ... Sasha Fierce," traditional R&B vocal performance for her cover of "At Last" and female pop vocal performance with "Halo."

"This has been such an amazing night for me," she said after picking up the latter award.

Beyonce would have won seven awards if her husband Jay-Z had not beaten her in the rap/sung category. He ended up with three Grammys overall, taking his career haul to 10. Beyonce's career tally rose to 16, including three with her former group Destiny's Child.

Kings of Leon, long more popular internationally, finally achieved mainstream success in the United States last year with "Use Somebody." Brothers Caleb, Nathan and Jared Followill and their cousin Matthew Followill also won a pair of Grammys in the rock field for the song, taking their career haul to four.

Country combo the Zac Brown Band was named best new artist as expected. The Atlanta-based group becomes the first band to win the award since 2005.

The popular concert draw released its debut album in 2004, but did not achieve national prominence until 2008 when it released its major-label debut "The Foundation," which peaked at No. 17 on the U.S. pop chart.

The televised ceremony was packed with diverse performances, since 100 of the 109 categories were announced during a low-profile ceremony earlier in the day.

Mary J. Blige and Italian tenor Andrea Bocelli earned a standing ovation for their version of "Bridge Over Troubled Water," performed as a fundraising tribute to earthquake-ravaged Haiti. The song was scheduled to go on sale at iTunes immediately afterwards.

Swift dueted with Fleetwood Mac singer Stevie Nicks for a version of the band's "Rhiannon." Two-time winner Lady Gaga performed with the almost-as-flamboyant Elton John.

"I think she proved her point tonight that she's not just a costume freak," veteran shock-rocker Alice Cooper, one of Lady Gaga's sartorial inspirations, told reporters.





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